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Loading this committee’s profile from its FEC filings.
Where They Stand is a nonpartisan guide to everyone running for Congress: their money, their own words and how incumbents voted. Find your ballot →
PACs › PAC (qualified) › 2025–2026
Service, health-care & other unions (including the AFL-CIO)Service, health-care, retail, communications, entertainment and other unions, union federations such as the AFL-CIO, and super PACs that several unions fund together.Labor unionsPlaced by our rules or a model’s suggestion, and not yet checked by a person. The money still counts here; a person may move it.
PAC (qualified)Lobbyist/registrant PACLabor organizationWashington, District of ColumbiaActive
Connected organization: Communications Workers of America
FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026 · FEC bulk filing data · committee C00002089 · files monthly
“CWA Political is the national political program of the Communications Workers of America, dedicated to building working-class power through political education, organizing, and collective action. It supports members, locals, and leaders with the tools, training, and resources needed to engage in campaigns that advance workers’ rights and hold corporate power accountable.”
Communications Workers of America - COPE Political Contributions Committee, on its own site, cwa-union.org
Quoted from the committee's site, or its sponsor's or funder's where its own says nothing. Any side it takes is in its own words.
3 priorities from the committee’s own site, in the order they are listed there. Every heading and the text under it is copied exactly, as one passage for each page it is from, and links to that place on the page; hover a source to see which passage it opens.
Elections 2026 ↗ (opens cwa-union.org at this heading)
True political power comes from an organized working class fighting for justice.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · cwa-union.org
Heading as listed on cwa-union.org ↗ (opens cwa-union.org at this heading)
The growing influence of money in politics and widespread voter suppression by state and local governments have made it harder for working families to have their voices heard.
Many feel that Washington serves the interests of the rich and powerful, not everyday Americans.
That’s why our CWA Legislative Political Action Teams in every district and our progressive allies are fighting for legislation that strengthens workers’ rights and curbs Wall Street’s destructive influence on our democracy.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · cwa-union.org/workers-rights/legislation-and-politics
The rising costs of healthcare is forcing working families to choose between meeting their basic needs and caring for their loved ones.
CWA continues to advocate for legislation that will reduce the prices of prescription drugs, protect the healthcare plans of union workers and all working families, and expand access to affordable, high-quality care—so no one has to sacrifice their health or their family's well-being to make ends meet.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · cwa-union.org/workers-rights/legislation-and-politics
CWA’s legislative and political program supports the election of worker-friendly officials and the passage of laws to support workers, their families, and good jobs.
CWA has been in the forefront of legislative initiatives to strengthen workers’ organizing and bargaining rights, make health care affordable and available to all, protect Americans’ retirement security, and provide good jobs in a global marketplace of fair trade.
Key to CWA’s legislative efforts and successes, are the more than 1,000 Legislative Political Action Team activists who have been trained in effective grassroots political action.
source ↗ (opens the page at this passage) · cwa-union.org/about/cwa-overview
Heading as listed on cwa-union.org/about/cwa-overview ↗ (opens cwa-union.org/about/cwa-overview at this heading) · “CWA Overview” on cwa-union.org/about/cwa-overview ↗ (opens cwa-union.org/about/cwa-overview at this heading)
Each part reads different filings, so counts and totals can differ.
Direct PAC contributions and independent expenditures explicitly reported as support, by the party of the candidate they went to.
Contributions are reported money, not endorsements; a PAC giving to both parties is common.
Every contribution on line 23 of the committee’s own Schedule B, which is the filing its summary totals are built from. That line covers federal candidates, party committees and other political committees alike, so a super PAC funding other super PACs appears here rather than under candidate giving.
| Recipient | Count | Amount |
|---|---|---|
| Democratic candidates | 221 | $848.8K · 33% |
| Republican candidates | 1 | $2.5K · <0.1% |
| Other or unresolved candidates | 7 | $17.5K · 0.7% |
| Democratic party committees | 5 | $175.8K · 6.8% |
| Other party committees | 1 | $75K · 2.9% |
| Other PACs and committees | 34 | $1.5M · 57% |
| All recipients | 269 | $2.6M |
| State | Candidates | Amount |
|---|---|---|
| New York | 25 | $96.3K |
| California | 20 | $75K |
| Texas | 15 | $55.8K |
| Ohio | 10 | $55.5K |
| New Jersey | 12 | $46K |
| Virginia | 10 | $40.5K |
| Pennsylvania | 7 | $35K |
| North Carolina | 7 | $32.5K |
The largest 8 of 43 states.
Tap a row with to see who gave.
A donor who gave several times appears once. The 12 largest donors by total given are listed. In all, 66,299 itemized contributions were filed this cycle, totaling $1.2M. FEC contributor lists are public records and cannot be used for commercial solicitation.
Each as the committee named it on this line.
Total reported receipts $6,374,683
Every dollar the committee reported receiving this cycle, split by the source the FEC filing attributes it to. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
1.5% to named individuals, 98% not itemized.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 98% | $6,274,713 |
51 smaller sources, $100K in all (1.6%), are not listed.
Each committee that gave is followed to where its own money came from, in proportion to what it received: a committee that got half its money from one person is counted as passing half of what it gave on to that person. Each channel shows the committee the money came through and its place in the money tree. It shows who stood behind the money, not what that money was for, and an organization that need not name its donors ends the trail. It stops at a person, an organization, a committee with nothing on file here, or 3committees deep. A person who gave by more than one route appears under each, a name filed two ways may appear twice, and a person's job and city are as they filed them. "Also behind" counts the other groups, among those that moved $100,000 or more into races, in which $100,000 or more traces to the same person, other than those this money came through or went on to.
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Tap or hover over a state, or focus the map and use the arrow keys, to read its total. Ctrl or ⌘ and scroll to zoom.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 26,575 contributions · 23% | $286,671 |
| 4,255 contributions · 11% | $134,730 |
Tap a row with to see who was paid.
Total reported disbursements $6,122,763
Every dollar this committee reported spending this cycle, split by the lines it reports against. Open a line to see who was actually paid on it. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
Tap a row with to see what was paid for.
$6.2M spent from Jan 2025 to Oct 2026. Most in one report: $940.4K, September 2026.
The running total of what the committee’s FEC reports say it spent, independent expenditures included, with a point at the end of each report. The line is straight between reports because a report gives one total for its whole period.
Published by the Commission against this committee’s own FEC ID. An audit is a periodic examination that reports findings; an administrative fine is a penalty for filing a specific report late or not at all. They are separate instruments and are not combined into a score here.
2020 cycleReport released Sep 13, 2023
2006 cycleReport released Aug 23, 2010
2002 cycleReport released May 30, 2006
1978 cycleReport released Dec 29, 1980
Late M8 report, 2001$4.6K assessed
Case 525 at the FEC ↗Source: the Commission’s audit-case and administrative-fine records, joined on this committee’s FEC ID, imported Nov 8, 2026. Enforcement matters (MURs) are published only against respondent names, with no committee identifier, so they are not shown here rather than being matched by name.
No lobbying disclosures matched
Communications Workers of America - COPE Political Contributions Committee is registered with the Federal Election Commission as a PAC (qualified). It is a lobbyist/registrant PAC. Its FEC record names Communications Workers of America as an affiliate. Official FEC summary: Federal Election Commission committee record.
Statements are quoted from these pages exactly. Headings, order and wording are the committee’s or its sponsor’s; the record marking is ours.
Communications Workers of America - COPE Political Contributions Committee is matched to organization records using the FEC committee identity, structured identifiers, and corroborated organization data.
LittleSis data is shared under CC BY-SA 4.0.
Bars drawn to $550K, the largest gift total here. 2025–2026 filings.
Candidate contribution rows come from candidate committee Schedule A filings, the same rows the party chart above counts.
Money moving between this committee and other committees, matched on FEC committee ID rather than the name each filing was typed under. Both sides exclude memo entries. The figures here count each committee once, from the itemized transfers read for this section, so they will not match the payment counts under Who this PAC gave to.
Committees that reported giving to this one on their own Schedule A filings, grouped by the giver’s committee ID.
No committee-to-committee receipts were itemized this cycle.
Disbursements this committee itemized to another committee: candidate contributions, party transfers and payments alike, not contributions only.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| Hybrid PAC (qualified) · Connected to MINNESOTA SECOND DISTRICT VICTORY COMMITTEE · 5 payments | $550K |
| Super PAC (independent expenditure-only) · Connected to WINSENATE · 5 payments | $410K |
| Super PAC (independent expenditure-only) · 2 payments | $150K |
| Super PAC (independent expenditure-only) · 2 payments | $120K |
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to DEMOCRATIC GRASSROOTS VICTORY FUND · 4 payments | $95K |
| Party committee (qualified) · Connected to COLORADO SENATE VICTORY 2016 · 5 payments | $75K |
| Party committee (qualified) · 5 payments | $70K |
| Super PAC (independent expenditure-only) · 1 payment | $50K |
| PAC (qualified) · 1 payment | $25K |
| House campaign committee · 5 payments | $20K |
| Senate campaign committee · Connected to CHRIS PAPPAS VICTORY FUND · 6 payments | $10.5K |
| PAC (qualified) · Connected to DEFEND DEMOCRACY NOW PAC · 2 payments | $10K |
$2.6M across 261 recipient committees, or 42% of everything this committee reports spending. The largest 12 are shown.
Built from FEC Schedule A and Schedule B filings for the selected cycle. A committee only appears here if the money was itemized under its FEC committee ID.
| $78,520 |
| 1,861 contributions · 6.3% | $77,308 |
| 2,377 contributions · 6.1% | $74,316 |
| 5,841 contributions · 4.8% | $58,193 |
| 789 contributions · 3.4% | $42,077 |
| 1,155 contributions · 3.1% | $37,991 |
By the state each contributor wrote on the filing. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line together, so one committee or organization transfer can account for a whole state. Contributors who have given $200 or less this cycle are not itemized and cannot be placed on a map. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total.
| Employer as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| 19,047 contributions · 13% of ranked | $162,723 |
| 2,875 contributions · 8.9% of ranked | $108,063 |
| 2,972 contributions · 8.3% of ranked | $101,484 |
| 2,106 contributions · 7.9% of ranked | $96,742 |
| 2,681 contributions · 7.6% of ranked | $93,071 |
| 1,234 contributions · 6.1% of ranked | $74,111 |
| 1,756 contributions · 4.5% of ranked | $54,657 |
| 4,182 contributions · 2.9% of ranked | $35,300 |
Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 employer spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($5,094,277) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
| Occupation as filed | Amount |
|---|---|
| 11,984 contributions · 9.8% of ranked | $97,241 |
| 905 contributions · 4.5% of ranked | $44,443 |
| 1,122 contributions · 3.5% of ranked | $34,587 |
| 1,923 contributions · 3.5% of ranked | $34,563 |
| 3,453 contributions · 3% of ranked | $29,848 |
| 3,089 contributions · 2.8% of ranked | $27,677 |
| 681 contributions · 2.5% of ranked | $24,257 |
| 538 contributions · 1.9% of ranked | $18,703 |
A further $30,944 came from donors whose answer names no occupation (Information requested, blank), so it is not ranked. Ranked from the largest 200 of 201 occupation spellings filed; each share is of the money in those. Itemized receipts grouped by the words contributors filed. The FEC aggregates every Schedule A line here, so committee and organization money sits alongside individuals; this is not an industry classification. The FEC’s grouping also counts joint-fundraising memo lines, so these rows can add up to more than the itemized total. Gifts of $200 or less ($5,094,277) are not itemized, so no employer or occupation is filed for them.
Total itemized disbursements $6,036,358
Every itemized payment the committee reported this cycle, sorted by what it said each one was for. The categories are ours; the wording they are matched against is the committee’s own. Open a category to read the filed descriptions and who was paid. FEC filings through Oct 14, 2026.
All 1,304 itemized payments filed this cycle. Spending below the itemization threshold is not filed line by line.
1 payment was reported as a lump sum, such as a card or payroll bill, with the detail filed underneath as memo entries. Those entries, $547 in all, are counted under the payee and purpose they name rather than under the processor that was paid. The total is the same either way.
| Name | Amount |
|---|---|
| 5 payments · 9% of all spending | $550,000 |
| 10 payments · 8.7% of all spending | $535,500 |
| 28 payments · 7.3% of all spending | $447,301 |
| 5 payments · 6.7% of all spending | $410,000 |
| 7 payments · 5.7% of all spending | $352,000 |
| 10 payments · 5.1% of all spending | $310,500 |
| 3 payments · 3.3% of all spending | $200,000 |
| 20 payments · 2.6% of all spending | $160,204 |
The people, firms and committees paid the most, across every kind of payment. Each share is of everything the committee reported spending this cycle, not only the itemized payments above. A payee that is itself a committee links to its own profile.
Transfers, refunds, and everything else the committee itemized outside candidate giving. 804 payments totaling $3M.